Women, Homelessness and Service Provision 25 and temporary in nature, invariably breaking down for multiple, complex reasons including substance use, mental health problems, experiences of domestic violence, a general inability to cope, difficulties with landlords and/or problems keeping up with rental payments. When these living situations could not be sustained the women returned to homeless services. The following accounts illustrate the cyclical patterns of movement in and out of homelessness reported by a large number of participants. “So I was more times in and out of here hostel ‘till I came about 20 years old. I was in and out of hostel because I really didn’t have my own place … I would probably go back home, do you know, and sort out things with the family, have another argument, the family would throw me out again and I’d never really found my own place, do you know, in and out of hostel.” (Amy, 22) “I was there transitional housing for a while, and I was doing me course and then I went back drinking and ended up back in prison again. I was in prison then I was, eh pause out and down in me brother’s for a while in provincial town. Then I was back in county name, I was in hostel and then I ended up back in prison. I was kind of all over the place like, never stable somewhere.” (Kate, 23) Women who reported more lengthy homeless histories, and had been cycling the homeless service system for longer periods of time, appeared to have more extensive knowledge of the ‘norms’, expectations and structures of particular service environments. Indeed, several indicated that they had learned about the system over time and that their perceptions and understanding of individual hostel settings steered their movements to a considerable extent. For example, Grace explained that her knowledge and experience of services had allowed her to make an informed decision about which services she felt would be more conducive to addressing her needs at particular times. In the following account, she compares her experience of living in two hostels with very different orientations towards their residents in terms of the rules governing daily life. “I love them to death referring to staff in hostel 1 but like they make it so comfortable for you and they kind of leave you to it so, well I just found there is no structure or anything. Like in hostel 2 they wake you up and they drive you stone mad that you just have to go out and do something… so I prefer hostel 2.” (Grace, 31) There was also evidence that women negotiated or ‘worked’ the system based on prior knowledge and experience of interacting with services and service providers. Debbie, who had a long history of criminal justice contact, told that she sometimes engaged in criminal activity in order to access help and support at various junctures. “Sometimes I commit the crime to go in to prison because when I go to a psychiatric hospital for help, if I feel suicidal; they don’t entertain me because I’m on drugs.” (Debbie, 27) Transition and the constant upheavals in these women’s lives caused significant distress, leading to profound feelings of uncertainty and insecurity: “I keep getting moved on, moved on … am I going to be stuck in these places homeless services forever? You know, everything. I just get overwhelmed” (Nóirín, 53). Feeling that their situations were deteriorating rather than improving, many felt ‘trapped’ or feared getting ‘trapped’ in homeless services. The following accounts strongly suggest that these women’s situations were being ‘managed’ via the provision of emergency or short-stay accommodation but not ultimately resolved.
Women, Homelessness and Service Provision
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